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Saturday, December 31, 2022

The political winners and losers of 2022 - The Hill

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The political winners and losers of 2022 | The Hill
Madeline Monroe/Greg Nash/Getty Images/ Robin Buckson-Detroit News via AP, Pool

2022 had plenty of political drama: the midterm elections, the congressional investigation into Jan. 6, record numbers of migrants at the southern border, big pieces of legislation and former President Trump’s declaration of his 2024 White House candidacy.

As the year draws to a close, here are some of the biggest winners and losers.

WINNERS

President Biden

Biden’s biggest victory came in limiting a defeat.

The midterm elections saw his party lose control of the House of Representatives, but only very narrowly, while retaining control of the Senate.

It was a remarkable result, cutting against the grain of modern history where a president’s party almost always loses much greater ground in the first midterms.

The outcome was all the more surprising in Biden’s case because of his mediocre approval ratings and an economy afflicted by high inflation.

In the end, however, Biden’s argument that a GOP purportedly taken over by “ultra-MAGA” Republicans had real bite.

Elsewhere, the president got his Inflation Reduction Act passed, as well as other items of legislation expanding health care for veterans and boosting support for the U.S. semiconductor industry.

Amid all that, Biden held an international coalition together with impressive unanimity against Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which began in February.

The 80-year-old president has plenty of vulnerabilities as he mulls whether to seek a second term. But he is clearly among the year’s political winners.

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis (R)

DeSantis, in the space of a year, has gone from a rising Republican star to a plausible front-runner for the GOP’s 2024 presidential nomination.

The key moment was DeSantis’s emphatic reelection win — he defeated Democrat Charlie Crist by almost 20 points — on an otherwise deeply disappointing night for the GOP.

The contrast between DeSantis’s result and the defeats for various candidates endorsed by Trump could hardly have been starker.

DeSantis was to the fore in fights over hot-button issues from COVID-19 to migration as well.

He embraced controversy much of the way — such as by organizing flights of migrants from Texas to Martha’s Vineyard, Mass., amid a chorus of criticism.

But that didn’t hurt his political fortunes at all. DeSantis’s political brand — Trump with less chaos, basically — has gained real steam this year. 

Sen-elect John Fetterman (D-Pa.)

Fetterman pulled off an impressive feat, taking a seat back for the Democrats. In doing so, he vanquished a high-profile Republican, TV star Mehmet Oz.

The achievement was all the more notable because Fetterman suffered a stroke just before winning his primary. His recovery kept him off the campaign trail for a long stretch. His performance at the sole televised debate with Oz was halting, to the point that it left even many in his own party unnerved.

But Fetterman won by almost five points in the end, taking the seat from which Republican Sen. Pat Toomey was retiring. It was the sole Senate seat to shift from one party to the other this year.

The victory was a validation of Fetterman’s unorthodox style, which won over some voters that the national Democratic Party has at times struggled to reach.

Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer (D)

Whitmer was one of the GOP’s top targets in gubernatorial races this year but in the end her reelection race was not even close.

She defeated her Trump-backed Republican challenger Tudor Dixon by more than 10 points.

It was a win for Whitmer’s blend of pragmatic politics, personal charisma and strong advocacy for abortion rights. The abortion issue was especially salient in Michigan, where there was a separate ballot measure on the topic.

Whitmer was also in the news for more ominous reasons — the plot hatched by right-wing extremists to kidnap her in 2020. Several men have been convicted by federal or state courts, with the longest prison sentence of almost 20 years being handed down to de facto leader Barry Croft in late December.

Whitmer begins her second term on Sunday as a well-established and rising name in Democratic politics. 

If Biden were to decline to run for a second term, she would be at least in the mix of possible contenders.

Rep. Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.)

In a year that had its fair share of drama, the 52-year-old Jeffries ascended to the top spot among House Democrats with notable ease.

Jeffries will become the minority leader when the new Congress convenes. He won the spot by acclamation in late November, after Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) announced her intention to give up her leadership role.

Jeffries will have huge shoes to fill, given Pelosi’s two-decade run atop the Democratic conference. But his move up, along with key lieutenants Rep. Katherine Clark (D-Mass.) and Rep. Pete Aguilar (D-Calif.), marks a clear generational shift. Clark and Aguilar will be minority whip and caucus chair, respectively.

Although the Democrats are losing control of the House, the precarious thinness of the GOP majority gives Jeffries and his colleagues some hope.

MIXED

House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.)

McCarthy appears on the brink of achieving his long-held ambition of becoming Speaker. That, in itself is a huge victory.

It is not yet quite guaranteed, however. Five House Republicans have indicated they will not support him, enough to endanger his quest given that there are only 222 GOP members and normally 218 votes are required to become Speaker.

McCarthy’s main advantage is that no serious rival to him has emerged for the Speakership. The one declared alternative, Rep. Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.), already lost heavily to McCarthy in an internal GOP vote.

It’s also possible that McCarthy could squeeze though if some of the five GOP members opposed to him vote “present” or simply don’t show up to cast a vote.

In any event, the smart money says McCarthy ultimately ends up with the gavel. 

But the narrow Republican majority, and the suspicion with which he is regarded on the most pro-Trump wing of the party, is almost guaranteed to make his life difficult in the year ahead.

Rep. Liz Cheney (R-Wyo.)

Few people in the political world suffered such a rollercoaster of fortunes as Cheney.

On one hand, her congressional career was brought to an emphatic end when she was easily beaten in her primary in August.

Her challenger, now-Rep.-elect Harriet Hegeman (R-Wyo), hammered Cheney by nearly 40 points. Hageman had been endorsed by Trump, Cheney’s nemesis.

On the other hand, Cheney’s national profile rose higher than ever thanks to her role as the vice-chair of the House Select Committee investigating the Capitol riot of Jan. 6, 2021. From her berth on that panel, she delivered some of the most searing criticisms of Trump — and of those Republicans who have backed him.

In June, she warned those Republicans who had supported Trump out of expediency or political cowardice, “There will come a day when Donald Trump is gone. But your dishonor will remain.”

It is Cheney who will be gone from the new Congress, however. Her next move is unclear.

Sen. Kyrsten Sinema (I-Ariz).

Sinema retained her leverage and her ability to frustrate Democratic senators for much of the year. She kept up her opposition to any reform of the filibuster and also maneuvered to carve out some more lenient tax provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act.

Sinema’s willingness to buck the party line had fueled the prospect of a primary challenge when she seeks reelection in 2024. Rep. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.) had been widely seen as a possible progressive rival.

Instead, Sinema announced in early December that she would switch her party affiliation to independent.

The ramifications of that move in the Senate are modest, but it complicates the calculus for a challenger from the left in 2024.

Arizona Democrats have a tough choice between letting Sinema have a free run, or challenging her with their own nominee and likely gifting the seat to Republicans in a three-way race.

LOSERS

Former President Trump

Trump had a very bad year indeed.

The most obvious example came in the midterm elections, when many of his most high-profile endorsees lost.

There was also his dinner with antisemites Ye, formerly known as Kanye West, and Nick Fuentes; his call for the “termination” of parts of the Constitution, which drew criticism even from many Republicans; the vivid descriptions of his behavior in and around Jan. 6. 2021, as unearthed by the House Select Committee; and on Dec. 30 the release of several years of his tax returns.

On top of all that, the former president faces numerous legal troubles. 

The FBI’s August raid of Mar-a-Lago may yet lead to charges regarding mishandling classified information or obstruction. 

The Department of Justice is investigating the Mar-a-Lago matter as well as conducting a separate probe into Jan. 6. Both efforts are now overseen by special counsel Jack Smith.

Fani Willis, a district attorney in Georgia, is examining the actions of Trump and his allies aimed at overturning the 2020 election result in her state. In December, the Trump Organization was found guilty of tax fraud.

Trump has, of course, been written off numerous times before. He is right now the only major declared candidate for the GOP 2024 nomination.

But there’s no denying he is in a diminished position as the year ends.

Herschel Walker

Walker was perhaps the most high-profile GOP failure this year.

He suffered a prolonged defeat in the race for a Senate seat representing Georgia, falling behind in the first round of voting before finally losing a Dec. 6 run-off to Sen. Raphael Warnock (D-Ga.).

There are at least two factors that made Walker’s experience especially bad.

From a political standpoint, he lost a race in a state that remains conservative and Republican-friendly — even if Biden did carry it by a narrow margin in 2020. 

In this year’s gubernatorial race, for instance, incumbent Gov. Brian Kemp (R) defeated Stacey Abrams (D) by seven points.

In a more personal realm, Walker’s decision to enter the race set in a train a sequence of events that saw past alleged misdeeds, including credible accusations of domestic violence, get fresh prominence and new stories emerge. 

Two former girlfriends said Walker — who ran on a strongly anti-abortion platform — encouraged them to get abortions after becoming pregnant by him.

Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas

Mayorkas had the misfortune to preside over one of the worst issues for the Biden administration — immigration.

The total number of encounters between border agents and unauthorized migrants at the southwestern border reached an all-time high of almost 2.4 million during the 2022 fiscal year, which ended September 30.

There has been no let-up since then, with encounters for both October and November each exceeding 230,000.

Those figures come against the backdrop of the possible end of Title 42, the old law that was resurrected by the Trump administration to speedily turn back migrants on public health grounds.

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) said in April that there was no longer any public health justification for using the rule. But its cessation has been blocked by the courts, and now rests with the Supreme Court, which will hear arguments in February.

Mayorkas has stressed that the Biden administration is trying to plan for the ending of Title 42 by sending extra agents to the border and boosting processing capacity.

But the sense of growing crisis clearly impacts his reputation.

Rep.-elect George Santos (R-N.Y.)

A late entry to the “losers” category, Santos dominated the final weeks of the year as a series of lies and exaggerations came to light.

Santos has admitted he neither graduated from New York’s Baruch College nor worked for Goldman Sachs or Citigroup, as he claimed.

Many of his misrepresentations, or the explanations of them, were even more outlandish. After it emerged that he is not, in fact, Jewish, Santos took refuge in the idea that he is “Jew-ish.”

He also claimed his firm lost four employees in the 2016 Pulse nightclub shooting, which it did not; and he appears to have tweeted both that his mother had been a victim of 9/11 and that she died in 2016.

There are, too, questions lingering around how exactly Santos got the money to help fund his campaign for the House seat representing New York’s 3rd District. The New York Times reported that “a hefty chunk” of Santos’s total funds “came in the form of a $700,000 loan from Mr. Santos himself.”

It appears likely that Santos will take his seat, and Republican criticism of him has been fairly muted. But he is already under investigation by federal and local prosecutors as he prepares to begin his congressional career.

Gubernatorial candidates Stacey Abrams and Beto O’Rourke

Abrams and O’Rourke both suffered tough losses this year. Over the longer term, both have traveled eerily similar trajectories — and not in a good way.

The two were considered rising Democratic stars not so long ago. But, in each case, consecutive defeats have called their electoral futures into serious question.

Abrams’s loss to Kemp this year was much wider than her defeat in their original contest, in 2018. Then, Kemp won by less than two percentage points. This year, he won by seven points, dashing earlier Democratic hopes that Abrams could emerge victorious.

Abrams is credited by many Democrats for her work on voter registration, which her supporters say has been pivotal in making her party competitive in her home state.

But two losses in a row, and the fact that she has never won federal office, weigh against her.

O’Rourke lost his Texas gubernatorial race to incumbent Gov. Greg Abbott (R) by 11 points, a far more emphatic defeat than his narrow failure to unseat Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) in 2018. This year’s loss was, in the end, expected.

O’Rourke had electrified the liberal grassroots in the race against Cruz but much of that gloss had already come off thanks to an ill-starred, short bid for the 2020 Democratic presidential nomination.

Abrams and O’Rourke are still much in demand among progressives for their prowess in advocacy and communication. Electorally, the road ahead looks much steeper.

Tags Gretchen Whitmer Hakeem Jeffries John Fetterman Mehmet Oz Ron DeSantis

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2022’s top political winners and losers feature victories for both Biden and DeSantis - Fox News

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As we gather to toast ’22 and reflect on "Auld Lang Syne," now is the perfect time to look back on the real political winners and losers from the 2022 midterms. In fact, there are very clear heroes (and even some zeros) following the tighter-than-predicted election. 

The biggest hero on the right is Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, who won re-election by 1.5 million votes after winning by just over 32,000 votes four short years ago. DeSantis flipped Democratic stronghold Miami-Dade County for the first time in two decades, turned Palm Beach country red for the first time since 1986, and won 58% of the Latino vote. His coattails were strong enough to flip four down-ballot congressional districts, helping deliver control of the House to the GOP, and he is, for the time being the most popular Republican in the party, leading former President Donald Trump in many head-to-head matchups. As we enter 2023, the Republican world is Ron DeSantis’ and Donald Trump is living in it, albeit from his palatial Mar-a-Lago estate and club.   

With these results, it’s no wonder why former President Donald Trump has spent the past few weeks lashing out against "Ron DeSanctimonious." Lame nicknames aside, it appears the former president has simply lost his mojo. High-profile endorsements in critical GOP senate primaries allowed MAGA candidates clear the Republican field but this ‘Scarlet T’ kept independent voters wary and away.  

PRESIDENT BIDEN SIGNS BIPARTISAN MISSING PERSONS BILL BACKED BY GABBY PETITO'S FAMILY

Of course, the former president does not deserve all of the blame for a historically bad election for his party. U.S. Senator Rick Scott, R-FL, the chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee (NRSC), charged with recruiting and funding winning candidates for the upper chamber, shares a great deal of blame, too. The NRSC under Scott’s watch became a hotbed of internal tension, failed candidate recruitment and gross budgetary incompetence. In addition, his sloppily unveiled "Rescue America" plan, which proposed massive changes to Medicare and Social Security, was used in attack ads across the country, and Scott’s efforts saw Democrats actually expand their lead in the upper chamber. As if losing the Senate majority was not enough, Scott challenged Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-KY, to lead the now-smaller Senate GOP Caucus, embarrassing himself with yet another disappointing loss.  

Democratic Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer showed how Democrats can win in the Rust Belt.

Democratic Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer showed how Democrats can win in the Rust Belt. (AP Photo/Paul Sancya, File)

One of Rick Scott’s worst losses was in Pennsylvania. Democrats coalesced behind former small-town mayor and sitting Lt. Governor John Fetterman, D-PA, a rising star in the commonwealth. For some reason, Republicans have never been able to understand the appeal of this Carhart hoodie-clad, working-class hero from Western Pennsylvania. So, in response, they nominated a multi-millionaire, pseudo-science-hawking-celebrity-doctor who lived in New Jersey and who spoke of grabbing cruditĂš from mispronounced grocery stores and drank wine at Eagles football tailgates. Even with his recent health challenges, I expect Senator-elect Fetterman will continue to defy expectations, and flummox Republicans, in the coming years.  

It is said that the definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting a different result. Charlie Crist, Beto O’Rourke, and Stacey Abrams are three Democratic candidates who have lost a combined eight high-profile statewide races. Good candidates finish strong and, despite strong headwinds, try to help carry down ballot candidates win. Despite national political attention and raising (and spending) millions of dollars, all three candidates underperformed in critical battleground states.  

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Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer stands in contrast to these Democrats and demonstrates how our party can win big in the Rust Belt. Not only did Whitmer win re-election by double digits, she helped Michigan Democrats gain control of the state House for the first time since 2008 and the state Senate for the first time in 38 years. A telegenic and effective governor, Whitmer is one of the brightest stars in the party as she prepares for a likely presidential bid at some point in the next six years.  

An unsung-hero for both the Republican Party and our country is retiring Senator Rob Portman, R-OH, an example that comity and principled compromise can still exist in Washington. A senator with 68 pieces of legislation signed into law by President Barack Obama and 82 signed by President Donald Trump, Portman will close out his career with recent bipartisan victories that improve the lives of the American people, including the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the Respect for Marriage Act, and his unwavering support for Ukrainian freedom — for which he was awarded the Ukrainian Legion of Merit. 

Democrats coalesced behind former small-town mayor and sitting Lt. Governor John Fetterman, D-PA, a rising star in the commonwealth. For some reason, Republicans have never been able to understand the appeal of this Carhart hoodie-clad, working-class hero from Western Pennsylvania. 

As a former surrogate for President Joe Biden, it is probably unsurprising that I finish my list of winners with him. 2022 was a banner year for the president, securing more significant legislative victories, in less time, than any Democratic president since Franklin D. Roosevelt. He also bucked historic first midterm trends by gaining a seat in the U.S. Senate, allowing Democrats to fully control that body and most importantly continue approving his judicial appointments at a record clip. From the unprecedented number of bipartisan legislative victories to rallying and uniting the free world in support of the Ukrainian people in their fight against Russian aggression, to unexpected electoral and legislative victories, Biden has a strong mandate in the next two years ahead.  

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There are certainly honorable mentions for both parties for additional winners, like Governor Brian Kemp, R-GA, and Governor-elect Josh Shapiro, D-PA, or losers like Congressman-elect George Santos, R-NY and the failed New York Democratic Party redistricting efforts.  

But the biggest question for next year is who on this list is able to remain, or even become, a winner. As Americans gear up for divided government and head into the 2024 presidential primaries, Trump hopes he can flip his fortunes. Biden and DeSantis hope they can sustain theirs, and some are waiting with bated breath to make their moves should any of these circumstances change. 2023 is shaping up to be a wild ride — Happy New Year and buckle up!  

CLICK HERE TO READ MORE FROM KEVIN WALLING

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Friday, December 30, 2022

What Can the House Do to Address George Santos’s Falsehoods? - The New York Times

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The representative-elect’s long list of fabrications has raised questions about whether he will even be allowed to take his seat next week. But House Republicans have shown little appetite for punishing him.

On the campaign trail, Representative-elect George Santos, a Republican who ultimately flipped a Democratic seat in New York, misled voters about his work and educational history, his family’s heritage, his past philanthropic efforts and his business dealings.

His litany of fabrications has raised questions as to whether Mr. Santos, who was elected last month to represent parts of northern Long Island and northeast Queens, will be allowed to take his seat next week when Congress convenes or thrown out once he is sworn in.

But House Republican leaders, who have so far remained silent amid the persistent questions about Mr. Santos, are unlikely to punish him in any significant way. Even if they could force him out of Congress, it would prompt a special election in a swing seat, setting up a potential blow to the party’s already precarious majority.

And Mr. Santos has pledged to vote for Representative Kevin McCarthy of California, the Republican leader, for speaker next week as Mr. McCarthy faces a rebellion on the right and needs every vote he can get.

Here are some of the options for addressing Mr. Santos’s falsehoods.

The Supreme Court ruled in 1969 that a person who met the constitutional requirements for office in the House of Representatives could not be refused a seat once elected. In that case, Powell v. McCormack, the court suggested that a permissible remedy for the House, should it try to exclude one of its duly elected members, would be a vote to expel the lawmaker once he or she was seated.

House leaders could, in theory, band together to try to defy that precedent and force Mr. Santos to challenge the move in court. But Republicans have no appetite to do so.

In theory, yes. Practically, probably not.

Article I, Section 5 of the Constitution states that “Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member.”

While the Constitution grants the House broad authority to cast out one of its own, there has long been internal debate over whether lawmakers can be expelled for behavior from before they took office.

Some Republicans, for example, argued that Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene, Republican of Georgia, should not have been stripped of her committees for her social media posts from before she was elected. In the posts, she endorsed executing top Democrats, suggested that a number of school shootings were secretly perpetrated by government actors, and repeatedly trafficked in antisemitic and Islamophobic conspiracy theories.

But House Republican leaders are unlikely to want to expel Mr. Santos in the first place.

Only 20 members of Congress have been expelled from either chamber: five from the House and 15 from the Senate, according to the Congressional Research Service. Seventeen of those expulsions were related to disloyalty to the United States during the Civil War era, occurring only after the secession of the Confederate states.

The others — including the most recent instance, the expulsion in 2002 of Representative James A. Traficant Jr., Democrat of Ohio — occurred after representatives were convicted on public corruption charges.

Mr. Santos could choose to resign if he faces pressure from party leadership to do so, or if he is placed under an ethics investigation and no longer wishes to bear the costs of legal representation and stress that come with those proceedings.

There is no mechanism for voters to recall a member of the House of Representatives.

The House Ethics Committee, a bipartisan panel of lawmakers who have historically shied from punishing their colleagues, has not commented on Mr. Santos’s case and is in a state of limbo until a new Congress is seated on Jan. 3. Its investigations are known to drag on for months or even years and seldom result in significant punishment.

Should House Republican leadership want to mete out some sort of punishment, they could move to censure him, a mostly symbolic gesture that requires a simple majority vote and sometimes is accompanied by a fine. After a lawmaker is censured, he or she must stand in the well of the House while a rebuke is read.

House Republican leaders could also choose not to seat Mr. Santos on any committees or to relegate him to backwater committees.

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Millennials are shattering the oldest rule in politics - Financial Times

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“If you are not a liberal at 25, you have no heart. If you are not a conservative at 35 you have no brain.” So said Winston Churchill. Or US president John Adams. Or perhaps King Oscar II of Sweden. Variations of this aphorism have circulated since the 18th century, underscoring the well-established rule that as people grow older, they tend to become more conservative.

The pattern has held remarkably firm. By my calculations, members of Britain’s “silent generation”, born between 1928 and 1945, were five percentage points less conservative than the national average at age 35, but around five points more conservative by age 70. The “baby boomer” generation traced the same path, and “Gen X”, born between 1965 and 1980, are now following suit.

Millennials — born between 1981 and 1996 — started out on the same trajectory, but then something changed. The shift has striking implications for the UK’s Conservatives and US Republicans, who can no longer simply rely on their base being replenished as the years pass.

Chart showing that millennial voters in the UK and US are not following the typical pattern of growing more conservative as they age

It’s not every day that concepts from public health analytics find a use in politics, but if you’re a strategist on the right, then now might be a good time for a primer on untangling age, period and cohort effects. Age effects are changes that happen over someone’s life regardless of when they are born, period effects result from events that affect all ages simultaneously, and cohort effects stem from differences that emerge among people who experience a common event at the same time.

This framework is used to understand differences in a population and whether they are likely to be lasting. This makes it perfectly suited to interrogating why support for conservative parties is so low among millennials and whether it will stay there.

Let’s start with age effects, and the oldest rule in politics: people become more conservative with age. If millennials’ liberal inclinations are merely a result of this age effect, then at age 35 they too should be around five points less conservative than the national average, and can be relied upon to gradually become more conservative. In fact, they’re more like 15 points less conservative, and in both Britain and the US are by far the least conservative 35-year-olds in recorded history.

On to period effects. Could some force be pushing voters of all ages away from the right? In the UK there has certainly been an event. Support for the Tories plummeted across all ages during Liz Truss’s brief tenure, and has only partially rebounded. But a population-wide effect cannot completely explain millennials’ liberal exceptionalism, nor why we see the same pattern in the US without the same shock.

So the most likely explanation is a cohort effect — that millennials have developed different values to previous generations, shaped by experiences unique to them, and they do not feel conservatives share these.

This is borne out by US survey data showing that, having reached political maturity in the aftermath of the global financial crisis, millennials are tacking much further to the left on economics than previous generations did, favouring greater redistribution from rich to poor.

Similar patterns are evident in Britain, where millennials are more economically leftwing than Gen-Xers and boomers were at the same age, and Brexit has alienated a higher share of former Tory backers among this generation than any other. Even before Truss, two-thirds of millennials who had backed the Conservatives before the EU referendum were no longer planning to vote for the party again, and one in four said they now strongly disliked the Tories.

The data is clear that millennials are not simply going to age into conservatism. To reverse a cohort effect, you have to do something for that cohort. Home ownership continues to prove more elusive for millennials than for earlier generations at the same age in both countries. With houses increasingly difficult to afford, a good place to start would be to help more millennials get on to the housing ladder. Serious proposals for reforming two of the world’s most expensive childcare systems would be another.

UK millennials and their “Gen Z” younger cousins will probably cast more votes than boomers in the next general election. After years of being considered an electoral afterthought, their vote will soon be pivotal. Without drastic changes to both policy and messaging, that could consign conservative parties to an increasingly distant second place.

john.burn-murdoch@ft.com, @jburnmurdoch

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Thursday, December 29, 2022

Kyrsten Sinema and the Myth of Political Independence - The Atlantic

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Senator Kyrsten Sinema says she’s had enough of partisan squabbling. Who hasn’t? But the former Democrat’s switch to independent earlier this month won’t solve anything. Sinema is still bound by the parties, no matter which letter—D, R, or I—appears next to her name.

True independence in our partisan system is a fantasy. Like the two other independent senators, Sinema will continue to vote almost entirely like a Democrat. She is what the political scientists Samara Klar of the University of Arizona and Yanna Krupnikov of SUNY–Stony Brook would call an “undercover partisan”—someone who behaves mostly like a partisan but publicly rejects partisanship to show their disdain.

Sinema’s own words show the fallacy in her reasoning. “While Arizonans don’t all agree on the issues, we are united in our values of hard work, common sense, and independence,” she wrote in The Arizona Republic, announcing her newfound political identity. What is “united in … independence”? How do we agree on anything if we are all independent?

Imagine a Senate of 100 true independents. How would they organize? How would they decide what to vote on, when, and under what procedure? Political parties always emerge in legislatures; the same Framers who fretted over political parties when writing the Constitution formed parties in the very first U.S. Congress, when they had to govern. Parties are necessary to organize sustainable coalitions and build governing majorities. In politics, power belongs to groups, not individuals. Politics involves organizing, choices, and affiliations. Parties are the institutions that turn chaos into politics, as bad as politics may still be.

Despite the necessity of parties, the idea of political independence is alluring to many people. “Independent” has been by far the most popular self-identification in U.S. politics for a good three decades now, hovering at about 40 percent of the electorate in recent years—which is not to say that the members of this group are united in their independence. Contrary to common conception, independents are not the same as moderates. Rather, they tend to be simply more dissatisfied with politics than people who identify as partisans are. In the 2016 primaries, independent voters preferred Bernie Sanders (who, like Sinema, is also an independent) to the party’s more traditional candidates. Other leading independents, such as Senator Angus King of Maine and former Senator Joe Lieberman of Connecticut, are similarly, well, dissimilar, at least when it comes to their policy preferences.

What does bind independents is a public rejection of partisan politics, at least as currently practiced in the U.S. by the two major parties. But the problem is that rejection can backfire, making partisan politics worse. American voters are already cynical and distrustful. What they need isn’t more political independents claiming to be above it all. They need more real choices in the form of more parties—parties that represent a greater array of ideas and that can give more people in the American public a voice and connection to their government.

This would require changes in electoral rules. Our current winner-takes-all system of elections is hostile to third parties. Few voters want to “waste” their ballot on a candidate who is unlikely to win, and candidates who do manage to win over a significant percentage of the electorate are viewed as spoilers for the Democratic or Republican nominee.

A number of existing proposals would help give third parties more relevance. Fusion voting, under which multiple parties can endorse the same candidate, could allow more parties to meaningfully participate in Senate elections—while keeping with the Constitution’s requirement that only a single candidate can win. New parties would then have a reason to form: They would have power without having to recruit a candidate who can’t win.

For the U.S. House, where multimember districts would be allowed by the Constitution (but are banned by statute), switching to proportional representation would most directly break the two-party hegemony. Rather than splitting, for example, Arizona into nine separate congressional districts, all Arizonans could vote in the same statewide, multiparty election. Parties would win seats in direct proportion to their statewide vote share, so a party that gets a third of the votes in Arizona would get three of nine seats in Congress. Each party would select its candidates, instead of hosting primaries. Just as in our current system, general-election voters would choose their preferred candidate. The difference is that those ballots would also count toward the total vote share for that candidate’s party. A party that gets three seats would send its three most popular candidates to Congress. Giving political parties the ability to vet and choose their own nominees strengthens the parties’ ability to give voters clear choices.

Collectively, this means that Arizonans would seat a delegation that would better represent the state’s political diversity. More voters would find a party or candidate that represents them. Every voter would matter equally, not just those who live in competitive districts. Fights over districting and redistricting would vanish. Gerrymandering would cease to be relevant.

Sinema is correct in part. There is “a disconnect between what everyday Americans want and deserve from our politics, and what political parties are offering.” But the solution is more parties, not a rejection of them. With more selection for representation, Americans could form inclusive governing coalitions that lead to actual change. Building a personal brand around one’s independence is easy, particularly as a short-term electoral ploy. But building something that lasts, and that gives voters meaningful options, is far harder—and far more important.

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Liz Cheney’s martyrdom, Kanye West’s Mar-a-Lago dinner, Herschel Walker on werewolves, and more in 2022 - Vox.com

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From the State of the Union to the midterm elections, Vox’s politics team has noted many political winners and losers throughout 2022.

With the year almost in the rearview, we want to take a moment to single out some of the most noteworthy achievements by current and aspiring public servants, and revisit some of their biggest flops and failures. Here are the best, worst, and weirdest political moments and phenomena of the year.

Worst dinner

One of the more recent innovations in holiday celebrations is “Friendsgiving,” wherein millennials have a Thanksgiving-style dinner with their friends in advance of the holiday, which they celebrate with their family. The day before Thanksgiving, former President Donald Trump partook in something like this at Mar-a-Lago, his private Florida club: He had a Thanksgiving-style dinner with two prominent antisemites, rapper Kanye West and white supremacist Nick Fuentes.

The meal was apparently good enough that West had a second helping of the stuffing, but it produced a lot of tough headlines for Trump to digest. It came only weeks after Trump-backed candidates had disappointing results in the midterm elections and shortly after he announced his third presidential bid in a desultory speech at Mar-a-Lago. The news of the dinner leaking out only made things worse for Trump.

The former president equivocated for days about having dined with the two but could not bring himself to condemn them (he denied even knowing who Fuentes was). In the meantime, West and Fuentes gloried in the attention and afterward went on an alt-right media tour together, where West repeatedly praised Adolf Hitler.

Most deliberate political martyrdom

Liz Cheney set her political career on fire this year and never seemed to bat an eye. The Wyoming Republican made herself the face of the January 6 committee and burned every last bridge she had to the Republican Party. Cheney’s continued ardent opposition to Trump after January 6 led to her eventual removal as the No. 3 Republican in the House, and her decision to join the committee made her a virtual pariah within the House Republican Conference. Cheney didn’t mind. She lost her primary in a landslide, without even really trying to win.

Instead, she became a guided missile, pointed directly at Donald Trump and the MAGA wing of the Republican Party. She even endorsed select Democrats in the 2022 midterms. Like Samson, she was fine bringing the temple down on her head as long as it took down Trump and his acolytes as well.

Liz Cheney, vice chair of the select committee to investigate the January 6 attack on the Capitol, participates in the committee’s last public meeting on December 19.
Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

Cheney will never be completely irrelevant in American politics. Her last name, her former position as the No. 3 House Republican, and her transformation into the GOP’s most ardent Trump opponent after January 6 ensure that. But, barring any Sunday show greenrooms being admitted as states by Congress, her electoral career is over for the foreseeable future.

Worst political speech

There were a lot of reasons that Herschel Walker lost his Senate race to incumbent Democrat Raphael Warnock this year. Pundits could point to the fact that he ran a flawed campaign while Warnock ran a good one. They could also point out the plethora of scandals swirling around Walker’s personal life, including what seemed to be a regularly increasing number of children he fathered and a regularly increasing number of times he allegedly paid for a partner’s abortion. There were also fresh allegations of domestic violence, in addition to those he chronicled in a memoir that described his struggles with mental illness.

In comparison to these, his oratory wasn’t his biggest issue. But Walker encapsulated all his political challenges in a speech he gave in November during the Senate runoff, where he discussed the various merits of vampires versus those of werewolves in combat.

The Republican Senate hopeful and former college football star proclaimed to a crowd, “I don’t know if you know, but vampires are some cool people, are they not? But let me tell you something that I found out: A werewolf can kill a vampire. Did you know that? I never knew that.”

Walker continued, “So I don’t want to be a vampire anymore. I want to be a werewolf.”

The clip was used in a closing ad by Warnock, mocked by Barack Obama when he stumped in the Peach State, and became a lasting part of Walker’s political legacy.

Best rap video

Linda Paulson, an octogenarian running for state Senate in Utah, went viral for releasing a campaign video of herself rapping — or at least performing something vaguely resembling hip-hop — in September. Paulson was running as a Republican against an incumbent Democrat in suburban Salt Lake City. She lost by 15 percent but at least got a lot more attention than most losing state legislative candidates do.

Most bizarre sex scandal

An ISIS bride falling for a backbench member of Congress wouldn’t make a good romantic comedy. It did, however, make an interesting political story this year.

Texas Rep. Van Taylor leaves the US Capitol after the last votes of the week on November 17.
Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images

Van Taylor was a two-term Republican from the Dallas suburbs with a pedigree that was seemingly perfect for an establishment Republican: two degrees from Harvard and one tour in Iraq as an officer in the Marines. However, despite a strong conservative voting record, Taylor faced a primary challenge for heresies such as voting to uphold the 2020 election and to establish a bipartisan commission to investigate January 6.

Taylor looked like he was going to edge through the primary — where a candidate needed 50 percent to avoid a runoff — until only two days before, when a fringe far-right website published allegations that Taylor had had an extramarital affair with Tania Joya, a woman who was previously known for being the widow of a prominent member of ISIS and received ample coverage in British tabloids as an “ISIS Bride.” She eventually fled the Islamic State and moved to Texas, where she met Taylor and an affair ensued.

As a result of the allegations, which had been stoked by one of his opponents, Taylor finished just shy of the 50 percent mark needed to avoid a runoff and two days later dropped out of the race after publicly confessing to the affair. The result essentially handed his congressional seat to Keith Self, who finished a distant second place in the primary.

Most bizarre food scandal

New York Mayor Eric Adams has long touted a vegan diet, which he claimed has had innumerable health benefits for him, including reversing blindness in one eye brought on by diabetes. It was something he repeatedly talked up during his 2021 mayoral campaign and even wrote a book about.

It turned out Adams wasn’t actually a vegan — he was eating fish quite frequently. Although a spokesperson for the New York mayor originally lied and claimed that Adams never touched seafood, eventually Adams confessed and admitted his private pescetarianism.

Best work-life balance

Democratic Congress member Kai Kahele had a very long commute from his home in Hawaii to the Capitol in Washington, DC, but he made it much easier by simply not showing up.

The first-term Hawaii Democrat stopped showing up for work in late 2021 and used proxy voting instead of going to the Capitol. As Civil Beat reported at the time, in the first few months of 2022, he only cast five in-person votes as he explored a gubernatorial bid. Kahele eventually decided to run and lost in a blowout. In the meantime, his concentration on his gubernatorial campaign prompted a House Ethics Committee investigation into whether he misused official resources for his campaign.

Most bizarre corruption scandal

The late Baltimore businessman Russell “Stringer” Bell once famously expressed shock that a colleague was “taking notes on a criminal conspiracy.” Rep. Marie Newman (D-IL) didn’t just take notes on a criminal conspiracy. She entered into a formal contract to do so.

Marie Newman smiles.
Illinois Rep. Marie Newman campaigns in Chicago in March 2020.
Charles Rex Arbogast/AP

Newman promised a job to a political rival during her 2020 primary campaign against incumbent Democrat Dan Lipinski so that he would not run against her and split the anti-Lipinski vote. She entered into a contract with Iymen Chehade in which she promised to hire him and pay him a six-figure salary to be a “foreign policy advisor” in exchange for him not running against her. During the negotiations, she also agreed to take anti-Israel positions at Chehade’s behest, although that language was not written into the final contract. After she beat Lipinski, she didn’t hire Chehade, so he sued her.

Newman defended herself by citing an opinion from the House general counsel that the contract was unenforceable because it was “contrary to public policy.” Eventually a settlement was reached, and Chehade appeared on her campaign payroll with the title of “foreign policy advisor.” The effort was nonetheless referred to the Office of Congressional Ethics, which found in its investigation “substantial reason to believe that Rep. Newman may have promised federal employment to a primary opponent for the purpose of procuring political support.”

The entire imbroglio has sparked an ongoing investigation by the House Ethics Committee. However, the investigation won’t continue into 2023. After all that, Newman suffered a blowout defeat to Rep. Sean Casten (D-IL) after the two were redistricted together.

Best alliterative fish advocacy

In both her win in Alaska’s September special election for Congress and in the November election that followed, Mary Peltola had a lot of luck winning as a Democrat in the Last Frontier.

Peltola benefited from the state’s ranked choice voting system as well as a divided Republican field with both former reality television star Sarah Palin and businessman Nick Begich running against her.

But she also had one key advantage: fish. Peltola ran on a three-pronged platform of “Fish, Family, and Freedom” and made her advocacy for Alaska’s salmon fisheries one of the bases of her campaign. It worked, and Peltola will represent the most pro-Trump district (according to the 2020 election results) of any Democrat in the next Congress.

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