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Monday, February 14, 2022

Nepal’s Chief Justice Is Suspended, Deepening Political Chaos - The New York Times

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Accusations and a possible ouster could aggravate divisions that have paralyzed much of the Nepal government for months.

KATHMANDU, Nepal — The chief justice of Nepal’s Supreme Court was suspended on Sunday after lawmakers voted to impeach him on accusations that he removed the former prime minister and reinstated Parliament in exchange for political jobs for relatives.

The moves against Chief Justice Cholendra Shumsher Rana aggravate a protracted political dispute that involves pitting the United States and China against each other to bankroll infrastructure. The suspension also threatens to exacerbate a stalemate in Parliament that has made governing Nepal all but impossible in recent months.

The government has struggled to function for more than a year, with the previous prime minister, K.P. Sharma Oli, twice dissolving Parliament, citing a dispute over his coalition’s power-sharing agreement.

The Supreme Court stripped Mr. Oli of his duties and reinstated Parliament last July, ruling that dissolving it before the end of its five-year term was unconstitutional.

Shortly after that, the chief justice faced a barrage of accusations from Nepal’s legal community, including colleagues on the Supreme Court. The Nepal Bar Association said Chief Justice Rana had reinstated Parliament in a quid pro quo with politicians who promised to award his relatives plum ministerial posts.

He was also accused of influencing cases assigned to other judges, though he denied the allegations against him.

Last October, Chief Justice Rana’s brother-in-law, Gajendra Bahadur Hamal, was appointed to lead the Ministry of Industry, Commerce and Supplies but was forced to step down only three days later after protests by lawyers engulfed Kathmandu, the capital.

The lawyers also demanded Chief Justice Rana’s impeachment. Other Supreme Court justices boycotted the bench for weeks, upending most cases, with plaintiffs who traveled to Kathmandu from far-flung villages forced to return home without hearings.

Critics said justice was not being served because of the discord over Chief Justice Rana’s presence.

Still, the move in Parliament on Sunday for his impeachment was a surprise, with about a third of lawmakers supporting the motion.

“It’s for ending the prolonged judicial deadlock,” Justice Minister Dilendra Prasad Badu told reporters.

“Under separation of powers we played our role as the judiciary failed to deliver justice,” Mr. Badu said.

Chief Justice Rana could not be reached for comment on Sunday but told a local news outlet that he would “follow law and due procedure.”

Deepak Kumar Karki, the next most senior member of the Supreme Court, takes the chief justice’s place, pending a vote on impeachment that requires a two-thirds majority of those present in Parliament. The vote is not expected for several weeks.

While some heralded the chief justice’s suspension, others accused the government of taking action only in an attempt to delay municipal elections scheduled for May.

“Impeachment is a wild process,” said Bipin Adhikari, a constitutional lawyer and former dean of Kathmandu University Law School. “Parliament is already in crisis. This sort of act will further weaken the state institutions.”

The suspension is likely to deepen the confrontation between Nepal’s governing and opposition parties. The political chaos threatens $500 million in U.S. aid that Nepal, whose tourism-based economy has been thrashed by the pandemic, desperately needs to build cross-country electrical lines and upgrade roads. The aid has been held up since 2017, with Nepali officials loath to ratify the money — a onetime grant from the Millennium Challenge Corporation, an independent U.S. agency — because it is unpopular among voters who see it as a threat to Nepal’s sovereignty.

The House speaker has refused to convene lawmakers to ratify the aid agreement, while the Maoist Party leader has met virtually with top Chinese officials. And members of Mr. Oli’s party have obstructed parliamentary action for months by shouting slogans and demonstrating inside the chamber.

The opposition prefers getting help on infrastructure from China, whose leader, Xi Jinping, visited in 2019 and vowed to enhance connectivity on roads, railways, aviation and communication under his mammoth Belt and Road Initiative. So far, however, no Nepal projects have begun.

Time may be running out on the $500 million American grant. Last week Donald Lu, assistant secretary of state for South and Central Asia, told Nepal it had until the end of the month to ratify the aid, according to local news media reports.

The impeachment motion against the chief justice was initiated, local news outlets reported, after partners in the governing coalition agreed to support the ratification of the aid tacitly by being absent from the vote in the House. The remaining parliamentarians largely support receiving the U.S. grant, so the absence of members of the Maoist party would probably translate into easy ratification.

Some opposition leaders “don’t want to endorse it at the cost of losing public support,” said Rajan Bhattarai, the foreign policy chief of Mr. Oli’s Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist Leninist).

“They agreed to impeach the chief justice, a cheap tactical move first, and then to push for ratification of the U.S. aid,” Mr. Bhattarai said. “The impeachment motion against the chief justice has been introduced in a planned way.”

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Sunday, February 13, 2022

Selling Trump: A Profitable Post-Presidency Like No Other - The New York Times

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Much as he did while in the White House, Donald Trump has thoroughly blurred the lines between his political ambitions and his business interests, with a wide-ranging set of moneymaking ventures.

In early December, Donald J. Trump put on a tuxedo and boarded the private jet of a scrap-metal magnate and crypto-miner for a short flight across Florida, touching down at an airport in Naples. There, a long red carpet marked the pathway into a Christmas-decorated hangar filled with supporters of Mr. Trump who had paid $10,000 to $30,000 for the privilege of attending a party and taking a photo with him.

The event had all the trappings of a typical high-end fund-raiser: a giant American flag, a lectern, chandeliers and an open bar. Frank Stallone’s band provided the music; an anti-Biden “Let’s Go Brandon” banner hung from the rafters.

But the money raised did not go to Mr. Trump’s political operation. Instead, Mr. Trump’s share of the evening’s proceeds went straight into his pocket, according to a person familiar with the arrangement.

Multiple attendees said they bought their tickets from a private company, Whip Fundraising, whose founder, Brad Keltner, has asserted that “the lion’s share” went to charity. But the website advertising the event listed no charitable cause. And Mr. Keltner, reached by phone, declined to discuss how money was distributed.

In the year since Mr. Trump has left the White House, he has undertaken a wide-ranging set of moneymaking ventures, trading repeatedly on his political fame and fan base in pursuit of profit. Much as he did while in the White House, Mr. Trump has thoroughly blurred the lines between his political ambitions and his business interests.

He has gone on an arena tour with the former Fox News host Bill O’Reilly, where a backstage “V.I.P. package” sold for more than $7,500. He has published a $75 coffee-table book, after being paid a multimillion-dollar advance by a new publishing company co-founded by his eldest son. He has turned an online Trump store into a MAGA merchandiser, with his company sending marketing missives to people on his 2020 campaign’s email list.

That store is now selling red “Make America Great Again” hats for $50 each — a $20 markup from the price currently offered by his political action committee — with all proceeds going to a Trump-owned company.

Tom Brenner/Reuters

His wife, Melania, has gotten into the act, too, auctioning off online collectibles and scheduling her own big-ticket event in Naples this April, a “tulips and topiaries high tea,” with V.I.P. packages reaching $50,000 and an undisclosed portion going to charity.

For Mr. Trump, the monetization of his post-presidency represents a return to his roots. He expertly leveraged his celebrity as the host of “The Apprentice” and his image as a decisive businessman to build credibility when he first entered politics. Now, he is executing the same playbook, only in reverse: converting a political following that provided hundreds of millions of dollars in small campaign contributions into a base of consumers for all things branded Trump.

There are grandiose enterprises, such as a fledgling social-media company, whose billion-dollar market capitalization is largely predicated on Mr. Trump’s direct personal involvement. And there are smaller ones, like remodeling the lobby bar of Trump Tower in Manhattan and renaming it the 45 Wine and Whiskey Bar — where specialty cocktails range in price up to, yes, $45 (that one comes with two “American beef sliders”) and can be sipped in dark velvet chairs surrounded by Mr. Trump’s black-and-white presidential portraits and paraphernalia.

“You come here, you drink Trump,” said Daniel Popescu, a 79-year-old architect and a bar regular, whose typical order is a $20 glass of Trump Blanc de Blanc sparkling wine. He hailed Mr. Trump on a recent evening as “the best president this country has ever had.”

“For a billionaire to give up his life to do good for the country,” Mr. Popescu said, with a shake of his head and a sip, “it’s unbelievable.”

Other past presidents have cashed in financially after leaving the White House. Barack and Michelle Obama reportedly sold a joint book deal for $65 million. Bill and Hillary Clinton’s speechmaking after leaving the White House was estimated to have netted them $153 million by the spring of 2015, when Mrs. Clinton announced her own run for president. George W. Bush has been a mainstay on the speaking circuit, too.

But no former president has been more determined to meld his business interests — from chocolate bars to real estate to a tech start-up — with a continuing political operation and capitalize on that for personal gain.

Taylor Budowich, a spokesman for Mr. Trump, noted that Mr. Trump had been wealthy before seeking public office. “After sacrificing considerably to lead our nation, there continues to be unprecedented demand for President Trump, his thoughts and his products, unlike anything politics has ever seen,” Mr. Budowich said.

Eric Trump, the executive vice president of the Trump Organization, added in an interview that direct consumer sales and Mr. Trump’s public appearances were worth a modest amount of money compared with the organization’s real estate deals and other major ventures.

“We have had an exceptional year as a company,” he said.

Any division between Mr. Trump’s business and his political operation can be hard to discern.

At his first campaign-style rallies of 2022, in Arizona and Texas, giant television screens paid for by Mr. Trump’s PAC advertised his $75 picture book. His political operation has also promoted the book in emails to his supporters, as has his official post-presidential office, which also issued a recent statement (“Check it out!”) promoting a Trump property in Miami.

Lawrence M. Noble, former general counsel at the Federal Election Commission, said that the combination of ways that Mr. Trump had monetized his life after the White House, while remaining intimately involved in Republican politics and a possible future candidate himself, had created ethical questions unlike any post-presidency in modern times.

“The thing that is different about Trump is the making-money part seems to have permeated everything,” Mr. Noble said. “There is this appearance, at least, that he is always thinking: How can I make a profit off of this?”

Mr. Trump faced similar questions while president, as he frequently promoted, patronized and profited from his private properties, including internationally. Watchdogs who worried then about his selling access remain concerned.

“It is wrong for influence and power in this country to be sold for personal profit,” Mr. Noble said.

Out of office, Mr. Trump faces few formal limits on his business dealings, though if he were to run again in 2024, some of his financial activity would be revealed on future disclosures. His political action committees have even fewer constraints than his re-election campaign account did.

In 2021, Mr. Trump’s political committees spent more than $600,000 on Trump properties for rent, meals, meeting expenses and hotel stays, records show. His PAC continued to make monthly $37,541.67 rent payments to Trump Tower Commercial LLC.

John Taggart for The New York Times

The roughly $375,000 the PAC paid in Trump Tower rent was more than the total of $350,000 that Mr. Trump’s group donated to the scores of federal and state-level political candidates he endorsed in 2021.

Many of those candidates, in turn, redirected funds back to Mr. Trump, holding lavish events at his properties. Herschel Walker, the former football player whom Mr. Trump recruited to run for Senate in Georgia, spent more than $135,000 at Mar-a-Lago, Mr. Trump’s private Florida club. The Republican National Committee forked over $175,000 for a fund-raiser there in the spring.

Mr. Trump’s PAC made two $1 million donations to conservative nonprofits in 2021: the America First Policy Institute and the Conservative Partnership Institute. Both also hosted big events at Mar-a-Lago.

After years of slapping his name, for a price, on everything from steaks to water bottles to golf courses, Mr. Trump has found a big new market for lower-priced goods like hats, T-shirts and books.

The new push to capitalize on Mr. Trump’s name and brand echoes what he has done for decades with his real estate company, whose holdings now include six hotels in the United States and more than a dozen golf clubs.

Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images

The real-estate business has, for the most part, been shrinking, with the Trump family selling off, terminating or being pushed out of hotel contracts in Washington, Toronto, New York City, Vancouver and Panama in recent years.

As Mr. Trump left office, his company was going through a challenging time, with a bad year at its remaining hotels because of the coronavirus pandemic and the decision by several blue-chip vendors — including its law firm, real estate broker and two banks — to stop doing business with the family after the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol.

But the golf business has benefited from a surge in play during the pandemic, with revenues even at the Trump golf course near Los Angeles, a Democratic stronghold, jumping by 50 percent since 2019, according to tax records.

Mr. Trump’s business practices are the subject of investigations in New York by the Manhattan district attorney and the state attorney general’s office, inquiries that Eric Trump says are politically motivated.

In an interview, the younger Mr. Trump accused Democratic politicians like Attorney General Letitia James of New York of seeking political power by promising to go after his father.

“​Letitia James campaigned on the promise of harassing and suing Donald Trump,” he said. “It’s prosecutorial misconduct and it’s something you would find in a third world country.”

In Miami, the Trump family has announced plans to expand the Trump National Doral, long one of its biggest sources of revenue, by adding high-rise luxury condos.

On a far bigger scale, the Trump Media & Technology Group, which is behind the new social media company, has raised more than $1 billion. Bankers for the company dangled an unusual perk: Invest at least $100 million, get a phone call from the former president. Later, the price of such a call came down to $50 million.

But for the most part, since Mr. Trump left office, his business has focused on appealing to Middle America, not buyers of luxury condos or multimillionaire investors.

His four-stop tour with Mr. O’Reilly sought to fill arenas at $100 a ticket. Mr. O’Reilly pushed back on reports of empty seats by disclosing that “gross receipts” on the first show alone were $2 million. A tour organizer did not respond to requests for comment.

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On sale at the events was Mr. Trump’s coffee-table book, which the former president has said is nearing 250,000 copies sold. His multimillion-dollar advance from the publishing company, first reported by The Washington Post, was confirmed by a person familiar with the arrangement; The Post also reported that Mr. Trump has delivered paid speeches since leaving office.

The book’s sales are scarcely spectacular: The tell-all from his niece, Mary Trump, had sold 950,000 copies by the day it went on sale. But Mr. Trump’s picture book is priced far higher. Signed copies went for $229.99 and quickly sold out.

Sergio Gor, a co-founder of Winning Team Publishing with Donald Trump Jr., called the book a success and said he was “in discussions” to acquire the rights to the former president’s next one.

Winning Team Publishing announced its second author this week: Charlie Kirk, the leader of Turning Point USA, a conservative youth group that holds its winter gala at Mar-a-Lago. Tax records for the most recent year available show the group spent nearly $280,000 there on food and beverages.

Mr. Trump’s for-profit store, meanwhile, has added a “MAGA collection,” and sells items like a $95 Mar-a-Lago Christmas ornament, that it is marketing to supporters of Mr. Trump’s 2020 campaign through email lists rented from the Trump political operation and maintained by Brad Parscale, Mr. Trump’s former campaign manager.

Donald Trump Jr., for his part, operates another online store, selling proudly provocative clothes, like shirts that say, “Guns Don’t Kill People / Alec Baldwin Kills People” — a reference to the actor’s movie-set shooting last year. After the acquittal of Kyle Rittenhouse, the teen who shot and killed two people during the unrest in Kenosha, Wis., the store briefly promoted a new sweatshirt: “In a World Full of Alecs, Be a Kyle.”

Mrs. Trump, too, has found ways to monetize her ties to Mr. Trump, including through a series of online sales. In January, she put up for auction a digital portrait of her by a French artist, a print of the portrait and a white hat she once wore at the White House while meeting the president of France.

Her plan to maximize the sales price by accepting payments only in cryptocurrency appears to have backfired, however: The crash in cryptocurrency prices in January reduced the planned opening-bid price of $250,000 to about $170,000 on the final day of the auction.

The auction drew just seven bids, according to electronic records, which also suggest that the winning bid was made by the auction’s sponsors.

Shortly before the auction, Mrs. Trump joined the conservative social-media site Parler. Her first posts were about Pearl Harbor Day and deadly tornadoes in Kentucky, but she began frequently posting about the online auction.

On Wednesday, Parler announced a deal with Mrs. Trump whose financial terms were not disclosed. In a statement, she said she would provide the site exclusive content “to inspire others” and promote a series of future online auctions of “collectibles” like the hat she wore at the White House.

Mrs. Trump is now selling tickets to the April “high tea,” with organizers saying that some of the profits will benefit an initiative of her “Be Best” endeavor called “Fostering the Future,” meant to provide computer-science scholarships to young people who have been in foster care.

There was no indication of how much of the proceeds Mrs. Trump herself intended to pocket. Florida requires any organization that raises charitable contributions in the state to register. No charity with the name “Fostering the Future” or “Be Best” is registered in Florida.

Andrew Harnik/Associated Press

Asked about the solicitation, officials at the Florida agency that oversees charitable fund-raising said they also could not find evidence of the required state registration and had opened an inquiry as a result.

“Consumer Services Division is currently investigating whether this event involves an entity operating in violation of Chapter 496, Florida Statutes,” Erin M. Moffet, an agency spokeswoman, said in a statement, referring to the state law requiring charities to register before soliciting money.

Mrs. Trump, after declining to address questions from The Times about the status of the charity, sent a Tweet after publication of this article, asserting that “everything has been done lawfully, & all documents are in the works.”

The company behind the “high tea” event, Whip Fundraising, also organized Mr. Trump’s holiday party in Naples, Fla., in December, where several attendees said that guests were asked to put their phones in small magnetic pouches while Mr. Trump spoke to limit the shooting of unauthorized videos or photos.

Beyond the ticket price, the event generated revenue from an auction of items including a bottle of Pappy Van Winkle bourbon with a portrait of Mr. Trump painted on the label, and a signed photograph of Mr. Trump holding a Bible across the street from the White House after the police cleared protesters from the area in June 2020.

Mr. Keltner, the owner of Whip Fundraising, said that events like the one in Naples raised large sums for charity but declined to discuss the specifics of any events with Mr. Trump.

It was Mr. Keltner who arranged the flight for Mr. Trump to Naples, on the plane of Adam Weitsman, a crypto-mining investor who also owns a scrap-metal company in New York. Mr. Weitsman said he flew Mr. Trump and the former first lady as a “favor” to Mr. Keltner.

He said he did not have to pay for the privilege.

“I just gave them a ride,” Mr. Weitsman said, adding that the Trumps were very nice and respectful.

Steve Eder and Rachel Shorey contributed reporting.

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Politics - Santa Barbara Independent

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Suddenly, and almost all at once, several Democrat governors of blue states announce they are ending a number of COVIDd-19 restrictions, including the wearing of masks indoors.

California did the same, but it does not apply to the unvaccinated, and school districts and local municipalities can continue to impose restrictions if they want.

Why the sudden change of heart? Focus groups showed across the board, voters are frustrated over health mandates, have a sense of pessimism about the future, and have a deep desire to return to some sense of normalcy.

So is this political theater and really about the upcoming election in 2022? Looks like it to me.

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Civility Project targets political polarization - KOIN.com

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Civility Project targets political polarization  KOIN.com

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Friday, February 11, 2022

How a Tawdry Steakhouse Melee Transfixed Miami Politics - The New York Times

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A city commissioner was dining at Morton’s. A lobbyist came up with a beef that wasn’t about lunch. Everyone called the police. The incident has dominated Miami’s political chatter for days.

CORAL GABLES, Fla. — Every so often, a petty political episode consumes Miami, its piquant details transfixing the city for days. Like the one that began this week at Morton’s Steakhouse during a late lunch, when a lobbyist happened upon a city commissioner.

Depending on who’s telling the story, the lobbyist, Carlos J. Gimenez, whose father is a local congressman, either slapped (according to the police) or flicked his wrist (according to the commissioner) at the back of the head of Commissioner Alex Díaz de la Portilla of Miami, after greeting him with a sexual epithet and a query: “Do you remember me?”

A detective from the Miami Police Department’s special investigations section, who was providing security to the commissioner, at that point approached Mr. Gimenez.

What happened next is not entirely clear, and remains the subject of intense debate in political circles all over town. It ended with the arrest of Mr. Gimenez, who spent the night at the Turner Guilford Knight Correctional Center, the decidedly unglamorous county jail, clad in one of the red jumpsuits reserved for high-profile inmates.

The Morton’s affair — tawdry, overblown and involving a cast of characters who are largely unknown outside of Florida — offers a window into Miami’s dynastic and often impenetrable politics, run by generations of Cuban American families that have been in power for decades. Understanding them requires detailed family trees and the patience to track long-unfolding feuds.

Mr. Gimenez, 44 and known as C.J., is the son of Representative Carlos A. Gimenez, Republican of Miami. The elder Mr. Gimenez is the former Miami-Dade County mayor, the most powerful public executive in the state of Florida after the governor. The younger Mr. Gimenez, a government affairs lawyer, once lobbied on behalf of Donald J. Trump’s business interests locally before Mr. Trump was elected president.

Miami Herald, via Associated Press

Mr. Díaz de la Portilla, 57 and known as D.L.P., is a former Republican state senator and the middle of three brothers who have all served in local and state office. In one memorable incident more than 20 years ago, his younger brother raced to a Spanish-language radio station after hearing a political rival insult his father on air, prompting the host to exclaim, “Hail Mary, mother of God, the Díaz de la Portillas are out there!” (No one was charged in the subsequent parking lot brawl.)

In 2011, Mr. Gimenez was heavily involved in his father’s first campaign for county mayor. So was one of the campaign’s hired political consultants: Mr. Díaz de la Portilla. At the time, the younger Mr. Gimenez and Mr. Díaz de la Portilla appeared to be on good terms.

But not long after, there were hints of trouble. In 2012, Mr. Díaz de la Portilla and a guest were arrested in Boston after ignoring hotel security guards who ordered them to stop smoking cigarettes in their room and then told them to leave. (The misdemeanor trespassing charges were dismissed before arraignment.) The guest was Tania Cruz-Gimenez, Mr. Gimenez’s wife.

Ms. Cruz-Gimenez, a lawyer, said she and Mr. Díaz de la Portilla were in town courting a client, according to The Miami Herald. She later worked on one of Mr. Díaz de la Portilla’s campaigns.

It is unclear what led to the dust-up between Mr. Gimenez and Mr. Díaz de la Portilla on Wednesday at Morton’s in the upscale city of Coral Gables, where a two-course “power lunch” special runs $37.

Mr. Díaz de la Portilla had ordered a burger with extra onions, dining at an outdoor table with the brother of the Coral Gables mayor, who is a lawyer at a big firm, and with a former Miami city commissioner who once served prison time for mortgage fraud, Medicare fraud and voter fraud, and now runs a firm of insurance claims adjusters.

After Mr. Gimenez approached and struck Mr. Díaz de la Portilla, the detective “made contact” with Mr. Gimenez, according to the arrest affidavit. He identified himself as a Miami police officer. Mr. Gimenez questioned his jurisdiction, since the restaurant was in Coral Gables. But a mutual aid agreement allows officers from one city to intervene in another city when appropriate.

“I held onto the defendant by his coat and instructed him to calm down and stop resisting,” the detective said in the affidavit.

The incident prompted other Morton’s patrons to call 911 to report the scuffle; some said a police officer needed help. Patrol officers swarmed the restaurant. The authorities had a mess on their hands.

Chief Edward James Hudak Jr. of the Coral Gables police — following what he said was typical procedure for arrests linked to public officials — phoned Representative Gimenez to inform him that his son had been arrested. (In another sign of how Miami ties run deep, Chief Hudak’s wife was once one of Representative Gimenez’s deputy mayors in County Hall.)

The Coral Gables police are investigating Mr. Gimenez’s purported battery on Mr. Díaz de la Portilla, but not the detective’s actions, which would fall under the purview of the Miami police. No one was hurt.

On Friday, the Coral Gables police released surveillance video recorded from a camera so far away that it does not show the strike on Mr. Díaz de la Portilla. Mr. Gimenez can be seen strolling across the loggia and approaching a table. Moments later, he and the detective are tussling down the sidewalk, until the detective wrestles Mr. Gimenez to the ground.

Mr. Díaz de la Portilla issued a pair of statements — one in English, one in Spanish — blasting Mr. Gimenez as “cowardly.” In Spanish, but not in English, he described Mr. Gimenez as having “grazed my hair with his nails.” He added that those were the actions of “little girls,” and said, “Real men come from the front and not from behind.”

“I wrote them at different times and they are very similar,” Mr. Díaz de la Portilla said in a text message on Friday when asked why the statements were not the same. (“Is this what the NYT is writing about these days?” he added. “Sad.”)

A gaggle of television news cameras awaited Mr. Gimenez when he was released from jail on Thursday. Dressed in a trim blazer, he declined to elaborate on the previous day’s events.

“This is going to get dropped,” he told a reporter, after addressing her as “sweetheart.” “You should be covering real news.”

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The Body Politic - HarpersBAZAAR.com

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At some point in the distant future, it will be difficult to identify the precise moment when we began to even contemplate the prospect of a post-pandemic life. But the Spring 2022 runways may offer a clue. Offering a bold new wave of body consciousness, the shows were a radical departure from the oversize layers that have dominated the high-fashion conversation in the decade since Phoebe Philo’s Céline made it cool to be covered up.

There were bras everywhere: dainty triangle ones at Fendi worn under tailored blazers and cropped bombers, sporty ones at Dior paired with silk boxing shorts, boob tape as tops at Vaquera and Missoni. For Miuccia Prada, bras seemed to be an idée fixe; she paired push-ups with low-riding skirts at Miu Miu and inserted underwires into colorful knit tops for her Prada collection, cocreated with Raf Simons. And then there was just … So. Much. Skin. At Chanel, a bouclé miniskirt barely concealed a matching bikini bottom; Balmain’s Olivier Rousteing marked his 10th anniversary at the French house by sending out an array of hybrid garments that melded sharp- shouldered tailoring with bra cups and thong straps; Loewe offered funny little windows on the knees—a referendum on what makes a body part a so-called erogenous zone; and New York– and L.A.-based duo Eckhaus Latta produced a range of transformable garments, like a T-shirt that unsnaps around the waist to create a corset or a crop top and a jumpsuit with removable thigh panels. “It could be really conservative or really slutty depending on your mood,” jokes codesigner Mike Eckhaus.

Rather than bringing sexy back, I’d like to bring back this idea of owning who you are.

The question of what’s sexy—and what sexy even looks like now—loomed over the entire proceedings like a tantalizing question mark. To be fair, we’ve spent much of the past two years in something of a sweatpants chrysalis as the pandemic—and all of the self-preservational fear and masking that have come with it—has radically reoriented our lives. But there is something about fashion’s current preoccupation with the body that feels undeniably different. It seems to be driven less by designers reasserting old codes of sexiness and what body type is deemed ideal or desirable and more by a greater cultural shift in how we relate to those ideas in a post-#MeToo, post-Covid-19, post-gender world. The Victoria’s Secret Angels hung up their wings for good last year amid a backlash against the kind of outmoded commodification and exploitation of women’s bodies that the brand’s vaunted “fashion” shows had come to represent. We now routinely see models who identify as men and nonbinary walk in what have traditionally been billed as womenswear shows. Just as so many of the old ideas about who gets to wear what when and how have begun to fall away, the notion of defining and owning your own sexuality—whether that means being swathed in layers of fabric or very little at all—has started to gain currency and momentum.

It’s far too early to tell if what we’re witnessing is a reaction to a prolonged period of homeboundedness, followed by the halting resumption of our lives, or if it represents the first signs of a more profound sea change in how we think about sex, sexuality, and fashion. There may also be an element of wish fulfillment involved. It’s been a frequent fashion trope over the past couple of years, as designers have worked to gather optimism around some celebratory vision of a post-pandemic life in which our bodies and physical intimacy are no longer bound up with the idea of viral loads and communicability—even as the pandemic itself continues to rage on. But there was a decidedly more personal—and frequently more empowering—tenor to the way they approached both clothing and revealing the body this season.

Simone Rocha, who recently gave birth to her second child, included nursing bras in her Spring 2022 collection, incorporating flip-down cups with crystal details in the bodices of her dresses. “I wanted to look at the nursing bra as a beautiful thing and celebrate it, as it is a functional thing to bring milk to a new baby, so it represents nurturing, loving, security, and also challenges,” she says. “I wanted to work it into the structure of garments and then highlight it with embellishment, celebrating the breasts.”

prada, simone rocha, loewe, eckaus latta runway looks
From left: Prada, Simone Rocha, Loewe, Eckaus Latta.

SIMONE ROCHA: BEN BROOMFIELD; ECKHAUS LATTA: DON ASHBY; PRADA: EMMANUEL WONG/GETTY IMAGES; ALL RUNWAY (EXCLUDING PRADA): COURTESY THE DESIGNERS.

If Rocha’s bejeweled flaps reminded us that breasts are so much more than just sexual signifiers, elsewhere a cohort of young designers went further by questioning why we think bras are just for women anyway. Siying Qu and Haoran Li, the New York– and Shanghai-based duo behind Private Policy, showed genderless bra tops with removable sleeves. And lingerie has long been something of an obsession for New York’s deconstructionist wunderkinds Vaquera; see their bullet bras and teddy tees. “We’ve always been interested in innerwear as outerwear,” says founder Patric DiCaprio. “Lingerie is so beautiful and complex. It seems sad to us to wear it only in the bedroom.” For Spring 2022, DiCaprio and his codesigner, Bryn Taubensee, trotted out lacy and studded bras and trompe l’oeil masking-tape tops for people of all genders. “Sexy is about feeling confident,” adds Taubensee. “Everyone feels confident in a different type of clothing: covered, naked, formal, casual, chaotic. We like to show a wide variety of looks that could all be considered sexy depending on your personal definition of what that means.”

Even if what we’re seeing now sometimes looks familiar, the context is dramatically different. Before the fashion community embraced bras as tops this season, the style was already trending among vintage-obsessed TikTok teens. The Gen Z obsession with all things Y2K, the freedom of Britney (Spears) and the reclamation of Paris (Hilton), and the emergence of TikTok as both an influential platform for fashion and a body-image battleground have offered some insight into the relationship that many teens and twentysomethings today have with outer beauty, objectification, and self- expression. To them, clothes that reveal are not necessarily about what’s sexy; they can be tools to explore identity, gender, and sex and body positivity.

Sexy is about feeling confident.

Dolce & Gabbana showed lacy lingerie that recalled the label’s archive designs from two decades ago, and for creative directors Domenico Dolce and Stefano Gabbana, that was the point. “With the women’s Spring 2022 collection, we have explored and reinterpreted in a contemporary way the aesthetic that characterized us in 2000 and to which the youngest today look with admired curiosity,” say the designers. Their collection’s title, #DGLight, is even a ready-made hashtag. But, Dolce and Gabbana insist, with comfy logo waistband briefs peeking out from oversize denim and low-rise cargo pants, the lineup is more than a sexy nostalgia trip, instead proposing “a new sensuality, very feminine, light, and free.” Coach creative director Stuart Vevers also looked to youth culture, sending out soft bralettes with oversize anoraks and skater shorts that wouldn’t look out of place on Betty, the HBO series about a female skate crew. “The pairing was inspired by the relaxed feel I wanted for the collection,” says Vevers. “Spring 2022 instinctively felt like the right moment for a fresh start and a new vocabulary. I was thinking about the time we had all just spent at home, wrapped in layers, and I had this sense that people were craving a feeling of freedom.”

While fashion has been making much-needed strides toward greater inclusivity in recent seasons, models of size are still often given more demure looks in runway shows, like coats or full-coverage dresses. So it was great to see Paloma Elsesser wearing bra tops at Maryam Nassir Zadeh and Michael Kors Collection, where she and Kendall Jenner both flaunted demi-bra-and-skirt combos. “This collection is very much a celebration of women’s bodies and feeling confident, so you definitely get a sense of curviness and defined waists,” says Kors. “The slice of skin at the midriff puts an emphasis on the waist in a fresh, modern way. I’ve always celebrated women of different shapes, and I think now more than ever, fashion is about making people feel like their best selves.”

The 2021 LVMH Prize winner Nensi Dojaka’s ’90s-inspired going-out tops and dresses with asymmetric cuts feature delicate strap details that look like feats of structural engineering. “Despite the skin-baring, there is always something light and feminine about the pieces that softens everything and almost steers away the male gaze,” says the London-based designer, a favorite of Rihanna, Dua Lipa, and Bella Hadid. “I think showing off your femininity can be the most empowering thing.”

For Neiman Marcus fashion and lifestyle director Lisa Aiken, the ease and versatility of a piece like a bra top is one of its key selling points. “You can really style it any way: under an open shirt or open blazer or just by itself,” she says. “And for the woman who isn’t ready to brave the full trend yet, there is always the option of wearing a crochet bra layered in a fun way.” The department store bought from a wide range of bra-top innovators, including Erdem Moralioglu and Carolina Herrera’s Wes Gordon, who each used them as a way to modernize the idea of ladylike occasion dressing, and Jonathan Simkhai, who styled knit versions as layering pieces with cutout dresses.

I was thinking about the time we had all just spent at home, wrapped in layers, and I had this sense that people were craving a feeling of freedom.

Lianne Wiggins, the head of womenswear for Matchesfashion, says she could envision Dojaka’s or Vaquera’s bralettes worn with strong tailoring or pieces that in some cases offer additional coverage. “We see them being styled under great sheer blouses and dresses or with coordinating fabrics and colors,” Wiggins says. “These styles feel inclusive. Fabrics are carefully used alongside incredible pattern-cutting techniques to really enhance the female form and make women feel empowered.”

The old cliché is that sex sells, but the proposition put forth this season seemed to offer much more than that: the ludic possibility of feeling comfortable in your own skin, whoever you are.

London-based Harris Reed has notably made a point of breaking away entirely from gendered binaries ever since he began dressing Harry Styles while studying at Central Saint Martins, questioning the very precepts of what we’ve traditionally considered to be masculine or feminine forms. For his salon-style London Fashion Week show, Reed used upcycled bridal lace to highlight skin across the torso, chest, and arms. “Rather than bringing sexy back, I’d like to bring back this idea of owning who you are,” says Reed. “It’s not about looking sexy for someone else. Sexy is how you feel.”


Opening Image: Clockwise from top left: Missoni, Alberta Ferretti, Balmain, Tom Ford, Nensi Dojaka, Dior, Coach, Michael Kors Collection, Miu Miu, Dolce & Gabbana, Moschino.


This article originally appeared in the February 2022 issue of Harper's BAZAAR, available on newsstands February 1.

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Tuesday, February 8, 2022

What Is 'Legitimate Political Discourse,' And Does It Include The Jan. 6 Attack On The Capitol? - Texas A&M University Today

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crowd of trump supporters gathered in fron of the capitol building

Supporters of Donald Trum stormed the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021 in Washington, DC.


Samuel Corum/Getty Images

When the governing body of the Republican Party called the events of Jan. 6, 2021, “legitimate public discourse,” it renewed a sometimes-furious debate about what are, and aren’t, acceptable forms of discussion and debate in a democratic society.

This question has emerged frequently in recent years, with complaints about inappropriate methods of protest, efforts to take particular viewpoints off social media, and accusations that various people are disseminating misleading information. But the issue took on new urgency on Feb. 4, 2022, when the Republican National Committee censured U.S. Reps. Liz Cheney of Wyoming and Adam Kinzinger of Illinois.

They are the only Republicans serving on the House Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol. The governing body of the Republican Party said this meant they were “participating in a Democrat-led persecution of ordinary citizens engaged in legitimate political discourse.”

As researchers who study the relationship between communication and democracy, we believe our insights can help citizens draw the line between “legitimate political discourse” and illegitimate political violence.

There are legal standards defining protected speech, but something that meets the legal definitions may not necessarily help build and maintain democracy. Scholarly definitions of the types of speech that are beneficial for democracy help make the issues clearer.

Persuasion, Not Coercion

Put most simply, speech that is designed to teach people about other viewpoints and persuade them to change their minds – rather than pressuring them to take different actions – is good for democracy.

The key, as pointed out by communication scholar Daniel O’Keefe, is that the audience has “some measure of freedom” about receiving the message and choosing how to act upon it.

Persuasion, even in its most vigorous and aggressive form, is an invitation. When a person seeks to persuade someone else to agree with their viewpoint or values, or to recall or ignore history in a particular way, the recipient may choose to go along, or not.

Coercion, on the other hand, is a kind of force – a command, not an invitation. Coercion denies others the freedom to choose for themselves whether to agree or disagree. Coercion and violence are anti-democratic because they deny others their ability to consent. Violence and coercion are the very opposite of legitimate political discourse.

Politics is not war, and legitimate political discourse is not violence.

What About Protest?

Protests can take many forms. In their most democratic form, political scientist Mary Scudder notes that protests “can improve the deliberativeness of a political system by putting important problems on the agenda or introducing new arguments into the public sphere.” Protest helps people to be aware of the views held by others, even if different groups disagree vehemently.

In the name of democracy, scholars of communication, free speech and deliberation have said protesters deserve to be heard and given as much latitude as possible to communicate with the public. In part, that is because protesters may represent underprivileged or mistreated people whose messages may be hard for powerful interests to hear.

But impassioned protest can sometimes seem like an attempt at coercion, especially for people who feel targeted by the protesters’ messages.

Persuasion And Coercion On Jan. 6

The Republican National Committee would like Americans to focus on the peaceful protesters who gathered on Jan. 6, 2021, to hear President Donald Trump’s speech at the Ellipse – and ignore the violence at the Capitol.

If we look at the Ellipse, we see a vibrant, and legitimate, political protest with signs, chants and speeches. If we look at the Capitol, by contrast, we see illegitimate political violence, including people using bear spray, erecting a hangman’s noose and assaulting others.

The link between them was Trump’s speech. He used a particular combination of rhetorical strategies, calling for a plague to be removed so that the nation could be pure again; threatening force; and claiming that his group was good, strong, pure and sure of victory. He also made claims of victimhood, of having had something stolen from him and his supporters. This specific combination of rhetorical strategies has traditionally been used to motivate a nation for war.

That type of communication from a president can be legitimate political discourse when used to motivate a nation to war against another nation, though there have certainly been circumstances in American history in which that power has been abused. But when the president uses that rhetoric against the democratic process in his own government in order to retain power, it is not legitimate political discourse. Rather, as scholars of authoritarianism have explained, using war rhetoric against your own nation amounts to an “autogolpe,” or “self-coup.”

When Trump urged the Ellipse crowd to march to the Capitol and “fight like hell,” his words transformed an occasion of legitimate political discourse into an anti-democratic violent insurrection.

The result was real physical violence, characterized by Capitol Police Sgt. Aquilino Gonell, a 42-year-old veteran of the war in Iraq, as a “medieval battle.” Several people died and many were injured.

American democracy was damaged as well. Lisa Murkowski, a Republican U.S. senator from Alaska, called the Republican National Committee’s characterization “false” and “wrong,” saying on Feb. 5, 2022, that the events at the Capitol were “an effort to overturn a lawful election.”

Democracy isn’t a game. To respond with appropriate seriousness, Americans can’t frame moments such as Jan. 6 simply as a “competition between left versus right, Democrat versus Republican; a battle of individuals and political factions,” writes communications scholar Dannagal Young. Those violent, coercive events are challenges to the real heart of democracy: peaceful persuasion and the rule of law.

Looking at the entirety of what occurred on Jan. 6, 2021, it’s clear that there was both legitimate protest and illegitimate political violence. When political violence replaces political discourse, and when political leaders refuse to play by the democratic rules of the game, democracies weaken, and may even die.

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